Sunday, June 26, 2016

The damn-the-torpedos allure of 'Brexit': David Andelman



The damn-the-torpedos allure of 'Brexit': David Andelman

David A. Andelman7:31 a.m. EDT June 22, 2016

It's all about taking back control, and it's got a lot in common with Trump's appeal in the U.S.

VENICE — "Brexit" might well be the end of the world as we know it.
That’s certainly the view from this sun-washed Adriatic paradise in the south of Europe and indeed on much of the rest of the continent of the choice facing British voters. On Thursday, they will go to the polls to decide whether to remain in the European Union  or exit it, the first binding stay-or-leave vote by a member nation since the creation of a single boundary-free continent more than three decades ago.
The debate has taken on existential overtones on this side of the Atlantic, and the powerful emotions it raises could well produce ripples that affect America’s own future in the world. At its heart, Brexit is all about the question of who’s ruling whom.
The vote,  Sergio Marchionne  told me, is “about the exercise of power by the protected over the unprotected.” The chairman of Fiat Chrysler and one of Europe’s leading industrial figures, Marchionne is a firm believer in a united Europe. But in so many ways, he said, it’s not working. “What’s pulling Europe apart is the lack of intimacy between the so-called ruling class of Europe and the people who are suffering the consequences of their decision-making power. That needs to be reconnected. If it doesn’t get reconnected, then I think the people are going to question the wisdom of belonging to a club of which they have no say in the rules and appears to be acting in an absolutely arbitrary fashion in imposing fundamental choices about the way in which we live across Europe.”
For many, it’s an exciting process that suggests much of the appeal of  Donald Trump in the United States: a chance to take back the power that people feel has been ceded, all but irrevocably, to rulers and bureaucrats over whom they have no control.
“Trump is playing the national card,” Marchionne observed during a break in aworkshop sponsored by the  Council for the United States and Italy , which he chairs. “The upside of the reacquired freedom from the machine is alluring. It says you can control your own levers again, you can make your own choices, you are not subject to what to some appears unjustified rulemaking divorced from what happens in real life."
And the fear is that this will start to look pretty good to other European nations beyond Britain whose people are smarting under European-wide regulations that are ill-controlled by their own national governments.
“We are going to re-escalate all the trade barriers; we are going to reinstall them; they are going to be used as comparative weapons,” Marchionne warned. Gone will be any hope for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, an initiative dear to President Obama, designed to broaden trade and lower tariffs between America and Europe.
To contain any damage from a Brexit, French officials are hellbent on severing Britainfrom the continent as quickly and painfully as possible if the vote goes against Europe. The hope is to contain the centrifugal forces from spreading to the rest of the EU. The reality is that Europe is as much in the grip of a populist upsurge as the United States — and with potentially equally catastrophic results.
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Virtually every major social, political and economic issue that is playing out on both sides of the Atlantic is at the heart of the Brexit debate, headlined by immigration. A Europe without boundaries means any Middle East or North African immigrant who somehow manages to land in some corner of Europe is theoretically free to travel, all but unchecked, to every other corner — and as happened in Paris and  Brussels , embark on bloody terrorist mayhem.
Yet many of Europe’s political leaders are even more panicked over the potential threat to their hold on power. “If you look at the polls in most countries, the appreciation of Europe has gone down, but the appreciation of national governments is lower and gone down even faster,” former Italian prime minister  Mario Monti  told the Council for the United States and Italy.
This past weekend, French Socialists even approved a primary ballot to choose the party’s candidate in next year’s presidential elections. With incumbent Socialist President  Francois Hollande ’s popularity hovering between 11% and 15%, he no longer has, as he might in the USA, a traditionally unchallenged path for his party’s designation to the second term he so clearly covets.
David A. Andelman, a member of the USA TODAY Board of Contributors, is editor emeritus of  World Policy Journal and author of A Shattered Peace: Versailles 1919 and the Price We Pay TodayFollow him on Twitter: @DavidAndelman
In addition to its own editorials, USA TODAY publishes diverse opinions from outside writers, including our Board of Contributors. To read more columns, go to the Opinion front page, follow us on Twitter @USATOpinion and sign up for our daily Opinion newsletter. 

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