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Indonesia's Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy-Making: A Case Study of Iranian Nuclear Issue, 2007 - 2008
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No. 236
Indonesia’s Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy-Making:
A Case Study of Iranian Nuclear Issue, 2007-2008
Iisgindarsah
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
Singapore
19 April 2012
i
About RSIS
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ii
Abstract
This paper studies the impact of domestic politics upon Indonesia’s foreign policymaking.
Serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council
from 2007 to 2008, Indonesia voted on two key resolutions concerning the Iranian
nuclear issue. While approving international sanctions against Iran under UNSC
Resolution No. 1747, the Indonesian government preferred to abstain from voting on
Resolution No. 1803. This paper argues the country’s changing response to the
Iranian nuclear issue was a consequence of domestic opposition. The case study
specifically identifies the interplay between majority Moslem population, religious
mass organizations and political parties as key factors which weigh upon the
“strategic calculus” behind Indonesia’s foreign policy formulation. The paper will
conclude while the executive still drives the country’s foreign policy, the parliament
and social-political groups have new powers to cajole and criticize the government
into reversing or softening an established policy.
*************************
Iisgindarsah is a Researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies
(CSIS), Jakarta. Previously, he was a Research Analyst at Indonesia Programme, S.
Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Singapore. Iis holds a Master
degree in International Relations from the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences,
University of Indonesia (2009). He also earned a Master degree in Strategic Studies at
the, Nanyang Technological University (2010). His research interests are mostly on
military transformation, civil-military relations, security sector governance in
Indonesia and geopolitics in Asia-Pacific. Iis has been involved in policy research on
a number of defence and security issues for Indonesia’s governmental institutions and
legislative body.
1
Indonesia’s Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy-Making:
A Case Study of Iranian Nuclear Issue, 2007-2008
Introduction
Does the government remain the key actor in Indonesia’s foreign policy-making
today? Under what conditions do domestic political forces come into play in that
process? This set of questions is theoretically significant given that foreign policy is
naturally a state-centric and executive-driven process. It also finds its relevance in the
policy realm. In line with national political reforms over a decade, constitutional
amendments have enabled the Indonesian parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat,
DPR) to review the country’s foreign policy and ratify international agreements
signed by the government.1 The case study in this paper demonstrates these two
features at play.
Following its election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security
Council (UNSC) for the period 2007-2008, the Indonesian government engaged in
high-level decision-making on many issues of international security, particularly
Iran’s nuclear programme. How Indonesia handled this issue in the arena of domestic
politics present a fascinating case study that unveils the core dynamics of foreign
policy formation in Indonesia. In 2007, Indonesia supported UNSC Resolution No.
1747 imposing international sanctions against the Iranian government for its uranium
enrichment activities.2 However, in 2008, Indonesia decided to abstain in the voting
of Resolution No. 1803.3
This incident supports a long established theory in the international relations literature
that the domestic environment of a given country cannot be detached from the
The author wishes to convey his gratitude to Dr. Leonard C. Sebastian and Dr. David Eric Jansen
for their thoughtful advices to deepen the analysis of this paper. The author also thanks Yoes
Chandra Kenawas for supplying relevant materials.
1 For more details on how members of parliament shape Indonesia’s foreign policy, see Jurgen
Ruland, “Deepening ASEAN Cooperation through Democratization? The Indonesian Legislature
and Foreign Policymaking,” International Relations of the Asia Pacific, Vol. 9, No. 3 (2009), pp.
373‐402.
2 See “Indonesia Ikut Setuju,” Kompas (26 March 2007).
3 See “Indonesia Abstains in UN Vote on Iran,” Jakarta Post (5 March 2008).
2
development of its foreign policy.4 Following Indonesia’s support of Resolution 1747,
the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhyono had to endure sharp criticisms from
many socio-political groups, most notably Moslem mass organizations.5 Meanwhile,
less than two months after the adoption of the resolution, the President announced the
second reshuffle of his cabinet. This apparently displeased some political parties in
the government’s coalition.6 Many party elites went on to condemn Resolution 1747,
while members of parliament exercised their “right of interpellation” (hak interpelasi)
to summon the president to inquire into the government’s approval of the resolution.7
This paper will argue that such political manoeuvres on what was ostensibly an
international issue were in fact intimately linked to squabbles and disenchantment
over cabinet posts.8
In this context, this paper argues that despite the technocratic nature of Indonesia’s
foreign policy-making, domestic political forces have gained new powers in the
current democratic political atmosphere. They are most likely to exert their influence
upon Indonesian foreign policy if it affects their ideological lines and political
interests on a given international issue. To this end, this paper seeks to analyze the
political context within Indonesia leading to the government’s decision to abstain in
the voting for the adoption of Resolution 1803. Firstly, it provides a conceptual
framework on the role of domestic political forces in shaping a country’s foreign
policy. Secondly, the paper will describe the ideological perceptions and interests of
each social-political actor. Thirdly, it will assess to what extent these groups have
been able to influence the government’s decisions in voting for the UNSC resolutions
upon Iran. Lastly, the paper concludes by providing lessons learnt from the case study
in respect of the Indonesian government’s ambitions to play a greater international
role.
4 See James N. Rosenau, Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1967).
5 See “RI Slammed over Iran Resolution,” Jakarta Post (26 March 2007).
6 See Sultani, “’Reshuffle’ Pilihan Sulit Buat Presiden,” Kompas (20 March 2007).
7 See “Interpelasi Resolusi 1747 Bergulir Cepat,” Kompas (28 March 2007).
8 See “Indonesia’s Nuclear Diplomacy,” Jakarta Post (14 March 2008).
3
Conceptualising Indonesia’s Contemporary Foreign Policy Formulation
Foreign policy is state-centric by its nature. It comprises the set of measures and
guidelines pursued by a given state towards external actors or specific international
issues of concern. At this point, the realist scholarship of foreign policy analysis is the
most matured and well-established discipline due to either its long-standing historical
merit or intellectual attractiveness. Within the realist tradition, neoclassical realism is
a relatively recent theory that combines the key features of the classical and neorealism.
9 It believes in the value of the domestic realm for a better understanding of a
specific foreign policy decision. Its model of foreign policy analysis places internal
conditions of a state as an intervening variable between systemic constraints or
incentives and the state’s decisions or actions. This model therefore facilitates
scholars to look into decision-making process, inquire the raison d’ĂȘtre that leads a
government to take a particular course of actions and consequential effects of those
action in domestic and international realms.
Foreign policy-making is essentially an executive-formed and elite-driven process. In
that process, decision makers develop a reciprocal relationship with many domestic
actors that attempt to influence government’s policies and decisions.10 On the one
hand, decision makers require political support from domestic political actors to
implement government policies throughout the country. In return for their support, the
latter makes certain demands on decision makers.11 There are many ways for decision
makers to build political consensus on a specific policy issue, while domestic actors
also have a number of available channels to convey their interests to the former.12
9 For some scholarly literatures on neoclassical realism, see William C. Wohlforth, The Elusive
Balance: Power and Perceptions during the Cold War (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993);
Thomas J. Christensen, Useful Adversaries: Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and SinoAmerican
Conflict, 19471958
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Fareed Zakaria,
From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America’s World Role (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1998); Randal Schweller, Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the
Balance of Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006); Steven E. Lobell, et al.,
Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2009).
10 See William D. Coplin. Introduction to International Politics: A Theoretical Overview (Chicago:
Markham Publishing Company, 1971), p. 63.
11 See Coplin (1971), p. 65.
12 See Coplin (1971), p. 69.
4
Although the government’s policy sometimes may not satisfy political demands, it
should at least meet the minimum expectation of its constituents.13
Given the “policy-influence” mechanism, analysing a state’s foreign policy requires
one to take cognisance of the character of its national political system—either open or
closed.14 After more than a decade of national political reforms, Indonesia has
adopted an open political system with a multi-party system and democratic legalconstitutional
mechanisms. Although the executive remains in the driving seat of
Indonesia’s foreign policy setting, the parliament now holds constitutional right to
conduct legal inquiries into the country’s foreign policy, ratify international
agreements signed by the government, and approve or reject the president’s nominee
for ambassadorial posts.15
Having adopted a democratic political system, foreign policy-making in Indonesia has
become more complicated due to the diverse political groupings competing to
influence the government’s decisions. The parliamentary review process and
Indonesia’s political culture, which favours coalition-building between president and
political parties, have increased the burden of the executive’s responsibility in foreign
policy formation. Electoral politics also complicates the “risk calculus” in decisionmaking.
Accordingly, a “radical” foreign policy that is out of favour with public
opinion becomes politically risky for an administration founded on multi-party
coalition; something, at least in theory, less likely to occur in today’s context.
Indonesia’s response to the UNSC resolutions on Iran is an unusual example that
demonstrates the impact of domestic disapproval upon the country’s foreign policy.
Despite the president being the top decision maker in foreign affairs, the parliament’s
right of policy review is likely to gain its sharpness when public opinion diametrically
opposed to a particular policy. It is very rare for any foreign policy issue to achieve
nation-wide consensus. This leads to the assumption that Indonesia’s decision on
UNSC voting was likely shaped by the ideological boundaries of various domestic
political forces and preferences within the archipelagic country.
13 See Coplin (1971), p. 65.
14 See Coplin (1971), p. 69.
15 See Article 6, 9, 10 in Law No. 37/1999 on Indonesia’s Foreign Affairs.
5
In that respect, the paper identifies four key actors with their respective capacity to
influence Indonesia’s foreign policy-making, namely executive, partisan
organisations, interest groups, and public elements. The executive refers to officials
and agencies within the government’s bureaucratic structure. Functionally, these
actors hold the primary responsibility to formulate and implement foreign policy
decisions.16 As this paper seeks to analyse the impact of domestic politics upon
foreign policy-making in Indonesia, it will concentrate on the roles of domestic actors
outside the decision making structure—including interest groups, partisan groups, and
the public voices that attempt to influence and shape the Indonesian government’s
decision on UNSC voting.
Public voices refer to the popular discourses or opinions in public domains that are
aired and circulated through news articles or programs in the mass media. In an open
political system, decision makers may calibrate foreign policy on the basis of public
approval. Besides this, opinion polling and other measures of gauging public
sentiments are invaluable source of information for decision makers to approximate
the levels of public approval of the government’s performance and political support
for the incumbent or aspirant candidates in any upcoming elections.17
Meanwhile, an interest group is a collection of individuals with common interests—
material, ideological or otherwise—attempting to achieve a common goal through the
mobilization of relevant resources to gain support from other social-political groups.
In an open political system, there are a wide range of associations and social groups
with diverse organizational interests and approaches to build up their respective
power bases. In the following section, Moslem mass organizations (organisasi massa)
emerge as groups that can be clustered into this category. Given their ability to
mobilize resources, interest groups present a more direct, insistent type of pressure on
decision makers than public opinion alone.18
Lastly, a partisan group refers to party elites and legislative members that play a key
role in absorbing and transforming interest groups and public aspirations into solid
political demands. Political parties can influence decision-making through voting,
16 See Coplin (1971), p. 71.
17 See Coplin (1971), pp. 76‐78.
18 See Coplin (1971), pp. 74‐76.
6
lobbying, public criticisms, and other forms of pressures. In the foreign policy realm,
partisan organizations are likely to pay greater attention to government policies and
decisions that are of interest to their respective constituents. In countries with an open
political system, it is usual to have different views among party members, even within
a same party. What matters is the level of internal party cohesion and discipline. If a
political party has strong discipline, the debates on contentious issue will only occur
within the party and elected representatives in parliament will be reluctant to express
views against their party’s guidelines or decisions. On the contrary, if a party lacks
internal discipline, its cadres are more likely to express their views in the public
domain, while its legislative members cast their votes according to their own
judgement.19
In the next sections, this case study will highlight the interplay between ideological
perceptions and political interests of these actors on the Indonesian government’s
decisions on Iran’s nuclear programme in the UNSC. Given that Iran is an Islamic
theocracy, the Indonesian government’s support for Resolution 1747 was received
negatively by the country’s Moslem population. The public sentiments erupted in
parallel with harsh statements from notable leaders of many Moslem mass
organizations. The anger of the masses and Islamic leaders intertwined with the
interests of some political parties, who felt disappointed with President Yudhoyono’s
decision to reshuffle his cabinet. This constellation of events—inauspicious as it was
for the government—empowered members of parliament to exercise the legislature’s
right of interpellation in order to embarrass President Yudhoyono.
Iran’s Nuclear Issue and Indonesia Approval to UNSC Resolution 1747
As members of the United Nations and parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),
all signatory countries—including Iran and Indonesia, are required to comply with all
international protocols and provisions related to the use, research and development of
nuclear technologies. Iran’s nuclear programme turned into an international issue
soon after the publication of the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) report
19 See Coplin (1971), pp. 72‐73.
7
on 24 September 2005.20 It concluded that the Iranian government had failed to report
several aspects of its uranium enrichment projects according to the Safeguard
Agreements of the NPT. Due to its inability to act in accordance with international
security requirements, the United States, European powers and regional countries in
the Middle East became increasingly anxious.21
Therefore, the UNSC adopted Resolution No. 1696 on 31 July 2006 urging the
Iranian government to cooperate with IAEA and fulfil its obligations to the NPT
within 30 days.22 Given that Tehran remained unmoved and allowed the deadline to
pass without action, the UNSC issued Resolution 1737 imposing international
sanctions against her. It also demanded that Iran cease uranium enrichment projects in
several nuclear reactors within 60 days.23 In an IAEA report on 22 February 2007,
Mohammad El-Baradei, the Director General, maintained that his agency had been
unable to draw a conclusion that Iran’s nuclear programme was peaceful given that
the country had continued its uranium enrichment activities and construction of heavy
water reactors. Based on the IAEA Director General’s report, the permanent members
of UNSC—including the United States, Russia, China, United Kingdom and France—
plus Germany as the Chairman of European Union (P5+1) agreed to propose a new
draft resolution on Iran.
Having been appointed as a non-permanent member of the UNSC for the period of
2007-2008, Indonesia for the first time was involved in the discussion of the draft
resolution to address the Iranian nuclear issue. In principle, the Indonesian
government supported the Iranian nuclear programme as long as it was intended for
peaceful purposes and carried out transparently under IAEA supervision and
verification24 To endorse a peaceful solution on the Iranian nuclear issue, Indonesia
put forward several amendments to the initial draft sponsored by P5+1. The
20 See IAEA, “Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran,”
24 September 2005.
21 See Greg Jaffe and Neil King, Jr., “U.S. Courts Allies’ Support on Iran,” Wall Street Journal, 16
January 2007, Tariq Khaitous, “Why Arab Leaders Worry about Iran’s Nuclear Program,” Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists, 23 May 2008.
22 See “Resolution 1696,” adopted by the United Nations Security Council at 5500th meeting on
31 July 2006.
23 See “Resolution 1737,” adopted by the United Nations Security Council at 5612th meeting on
23 December 2007.
24 See “Penjelasan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Mengenai Dukungan Terhadap Resolusi
Dewan Keamanan PBB No. 1747 Pada Sidang Paripurna DPR‐RI,” Jakarta, 10 July 2007.
8
amendments included: first, affirming that all parties of the NPT, including Iran have
the right to develop nuclear technologies for peaceful purposes; second, the inclusion
of a reference regarding the need to establish a weapons-of-mass-destruction free
zone in the Middle East; third, suggesting that the negotiation processes are to be
carried out in the spirit of “good will to reach immediate solutions that are mutually
acceptable to all parties”; and fourth, highlighting the need to suspend and terminate
international sanctions against Iran if it complies with all the provisions provided in
the UNSC resolutions.25 Following the acceptance of all proposed amendments by the
UNSC’s permanent and non-permanent members, the Indonesian government
approved Resolution 1747.26
While underscoring peaceful negotiation to resolve Iran’s nuclear issue, Resolution
1747 also encompassed a number of international sanctions against the country.
Besides the preceding sanctions under Resolution 1737, the UNSC imposed
additional restrictive measures, including an arms embargo, prohibiting all kinds of
financial aid or loans—except for humanitarian and developmental purposes, and
freezing valuable assets owned by 28 government officials and institutions related to
Iran’s nuclear programme.27 No less important, the UNSC called on the Iranian
government to comply with all requirements stipulated in the resolution within 60
days; otherwise it would endure more severe sanctions in the future. The inclusion of
international sanctions against Iran in turn ignited strong resentment from many
constituencies in Indonesia.
Indonesia’s Grass-roots Opposition to UNSC Resolution 1747
Although Resolution 1747 provided no clauses concerning the potential use of force
against Iran, Indonesia’s approval of additional sanctions against the country incited
massive domestic resistance from various social-political groups and the public at
25 See “Usulan Perubahan RI Diterima,” Kompas (27 March 2007); “Resolusi Baru DK Soal Iran
Dibahas,” Kompas (22 March 2007).
26 See Tempo Magazine’s interview with Indonesia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time,
Hassan Wirajuda in “Solusi Damai, Masak, Kita Tolak,” Tempo (9‐15 April 2007).
27 See “Resolution 1747,” adopted by the United Nations Security Council at 5647th meeting on
24 March 2007.
9
large. With respect to the public element of this equation, Indonesia hosts the world’s
largest Moslem population. It was therefore natural if most of them felt sympathetic
towards Iran that adopted Islamic theocracy, while opposing the Western countries
and their policies towards Iran. They also tended to view the Iranian nuclear issue
either as a “clash of civilizations” or great powers’ intimidation of Moslem countries
in general.
The Indonesian public’s negative response to Resolution 1747 was evident in several
polls conducted by various national newspapers. Kompas, a leading national daily,
conducted a revealing survey. First, more than half of the respondents (50.4%)
expressed their disagreement of the decision. The survey specified that most of the
disappointed respondents were voters of the President’s Democrat Party, the Golkar
Party, the Prosperous and Justice Party, the National Awakening Party and the
National Mandate Party. Not surprisingly, the disagreement level of Moslem
respondents was higher than non-Moslems. Second, looking at their preferences,
33.2% of the respondents preferred the government to vote against Resolution 1747,
while 26.7% favoured the decision to abstain. Third, concerning the country’s
diplomacy, 62.6% of the respondents expressed their scepticism that the government
had been able to put Indonesia onto an equal footing with major powers. Fourth, the
majority of the respondents (73.2%) assumed that the decision to support Resolution
1747 was not without international pressures but 63.2% acknowledged the dilemma of
the Indonesian government if it opposed the interest of the great powers—most
notably the United States.28
On the part of interest groups, some leaders of religious mass organizations voiced
their disagreement with the government’s decision. Hasyim Muzadi, a prominent
cleric of Nahdlatul Ulama—the largest Moslem organization in Indonesia, repeatedly
expressed his disappointment. According to him, by supporting the Resolution 1747,
the Indonesian government neglected the aspirations of its Moslem population who
opposed Western intimidation of Iran.29 A similar view was also echoed by religious
leaders of the second largest Moslem organization. Din Syamsuddin, the General
Chairman of Muhammadiyah, accused the government of succumbing to the schemes
28 See Toto Supyaningtyas, “Tersedak Dalam Jebakan Resolusi PBB,” Kompas (2 April 2007).
29 See “Usulan Perubahan RI Diterima,” Kompas (27 March 2007).
10
of Western countries to secure the interests of their key ally in the Middle East—
Israel.30 Other social-political leaders also accused the government of caving in to
American pressure, particularly in bilateral talks between President Yudhoyono and
President George W. Bush in Bogor a couple of months beforehand.31
Taken as a whole, the sharp criticisms from interest groups and public at large were
essentially prompted by the entanglement between Iran’s nuclear issue, religious
sensitivity and public sentiment in Indonesia toward Western countries.
Consequently, Indonesia’s support for Resolution 1747 was an unpopular foreign
policy decision for the majority of Moslem constituents, who might withdraw their
political support for the government. Thus, public antagonism to the government’s
foreign policy was a potent issue for politicization by partisan groups either to reduce
the credibility of President Yudhoyono’s administration or simply trim down his
popularity and electability in the upcoming national elections.32
Indonesia’s Party Politics and the Parliament’s “Iran Interpellation”
The growing anger of Moslem organizations and the public at large was quickly
grasped by a majority of political parties—as the partisan group in Indonesian
domestic politics.33 At different occasions, Yuddy Chrisnandi and Sidharto
Danusubroto, who were respectively legislative members of the Golkar Party and the
Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), argued that the UNSC’s
suspicions on the military nature of Iran’s uranium enrichment activities were a
“premature” conclusion without adequate evidence. Accordingly, they urged the
Indonesian government to consistently support the Iranian nuclear programme for
peaceful purposes.34 Even more critical, some members of parliament from different
30 See “RI Says Iran Resolution Prioritizes Peaceful Options,” Jakarta Post (27 March 2007).
31 See Elly Burhaini Faizal “Indonesia Tidak Konsisten Soal Nuklir Iran,” Suara Pembaruan (1
April 2007).
32 See “Indonesia is Experiencing An Identity Crisis,” Jakarta Post (5 April 2007); “Politisasi
Interpelasi,” Media Indonesia (22 May 2007).
33 See “Anger Grows Over Iran Resolution,” Jakarta Post (30 March 2007).
34 See “Setuju Indonesia Dukung Resolusi PBB,” Tempo (9‐15 April 2007).
11
parties claimed the government’s support for Resolution 1747 was against the spirit of
Indonesia’s Constitution, and endangered the legitimacy of President Yudhoyono.35
Meanwhile, several political analysts observed that the strong opposition of party
elites to the approval of the UNSC resolution were inseparable from the dynamics of
domestic politics following the second reshuffle of cabinet members.36 It is worth
noting that President Yudhoyono’s first term (2004-2009) was politically supported
by a coalition of the Democrat Party and the Golkar Party along with the United
Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the National
Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Crescent Star
Party (PBB). According to the votes they earned in the 2004 election, the coalition
controlled 414 seats (75%) of a total of 550 seats in the House of Representative (see
Graphic 1).37 In return for their political support in the parliament, President
Yudhoyono granted political concessions to each party, including ministerial positions
in his administration (see Graphic 2). Understandably, the second reshuffle of cabinet
members had dissatisfied some political parties of the government’s coalition, most
notably Golkar.
35 See Dedy Djamaluddin Malik, “Politik Tidak Bebas Tapi Aktif,” Tempo (2‐8 April 2007); “Usulan
Perubahan RI Diterima,” Kompas (27 March 2007).
36 See, for example, Yudi Latif, “Interpelasi di Tengah Erosi Kepercayaan,” Media Indonesia (7 June
2007); Eep Saefulloh Fatah, “Interpelasi dan Oposisi Musiman,” Tempo (25 June‐1 July 2007).
37 For 2004‐2009 period, there were 10 party caucuses (fraksi) in Indonesian parliament,
namely: (i) the Golkar Party caucus (F‐PG), (ii) the Indonesia Democratic Party for Struggle
caucus (F‐PDIP), (iii) the United Development Party caucus (F‐PPP), (iv) the Democratic Party
caucus (F‐PD), (v) the National Mandate Party caucus (F‐PAN), (vi) the National Awakening Party
caucus (F‐PKB), (vii) the Prosperous Justice Party caucus (F‐PKS), (viii) the Reform Star Party
caucus (F‐PBR), (ix) the Prosperous Justice Party caucus (F‐PDS), and (x) the Democratic Star
Vanguard caucus (F‐BPD).
12
Source: DPR-RI, Laporan Lima Tahun DPR RI 2004-2009: Mengemban Amanat dan
Aspirasi Rakyat (Jakarta: Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI, Oktober 2009), p. 9.
Graphic 2
President Yudhoyono’s Cabinet Formation, 2004-2009
Source: Author’s personal dataset compiled from a number of publications.
13
As the largest party in the parliament and the biggest ally of the government, the
Golkar Party had demanded more of its members be represented in the cabinet. Yet
President Yudhoyono granted only one additional ministerial position to Golkar. Also
instead of receiving the coveted office of Minister for State-Owned Enterprises,
Golkar was given the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, which had less strategic
and economic gains for political purposes.38 The reshuffle disenchanted many elites
within the party—considering the significant support they had given without equitable
political returns.
Following the May 2007 reshuffle, a number of political manoeuvres emerged which
clearly demonstrated a “rift” in the “Cikeas-Slipi” coalition.39 Firstly, there was a
meeting between several political elites of the Golkar Party and the Indonesia
Democratic Party for Struggle. The later was the second largest party and the
government’s biggest opposition in the parliament. At this meeting, the two parties
canvassed a “coalition in spirit” (koalisi batin) for the upcoming 2009 elections.40
Secondly, Golkar’s legislative members began openly criticising the government’s
handling of Resolution 1747.41 Similarly, other parties in the coalition had begun to
showcase critical attitudes toward the President, while maintaining their presence in
the cabinet.42
Through the mechanism of party caucuses (fraksi) in the parliament, parties’ control
over their respective legislative members is a very effective political instrument to
exert pressure on President Yudhoyono. Soon after the adoption of Resolution 1747,
the parliament’s Commission I overseeing foreign affairs convened a hearing with
Indonesia’s foreign minister, Hassan Wirajuda. The commission deemed his
explanations inadequate.43 Consequently, several members of parliament proposed to
38 See Syamsuddin Haris,“Golkar dan ‘Reshuffle’ Kabinet,” Kompas (17 April 2007).
39 Some Indonesia’s political observers terms President Yudhoyono’s alliance with the Golkar
Party as the “Cikeas‐Slipi” coalition. The former refers to the President’s private residence in
Bogor, while the latter is the Party’s headquarters in Jakarta.
40 See “Baru Sebatas Koalisi Batin,” Tempo (25 June‐1 July 2007).
41 See Benget Silitonga, “Membaca Konflik Parlemen Vs Presiden,” Media Indonesia (11 June
2007).
42 See “Dukungan Partai Pada Presiden Semakin Lemah,” Media Indonesia (29 May 2007);
“Presiden dan DPR Berlawanan,” Media Indonesia (28 June 2007).
43 See “Laporan Singkat Rapat Kerja Komisi I DPR RI dengan Menteri Luar Negeri” (29 March
2007); “Komisi I DPR Kecewa,” Kompas (1 April 2007).
14
exercise the legislature’s right of interpellation and persuaded their colleagues to
support the initiative.44 The sponsors of the interpellation initiative were Yuddy
Chrisnandi (Golkar Party), Abdilah Toha (PAN), Ali Mochtar Ngabalin (PBB),
Effendi Choiries (PKB) and Sidarto Danusubroto (PDI-P).
Later in the Plenary Assembly on 15 May 2007, a majority of party caucuses agreed
to back the interpellation initiative by inquiring into the government’s approval of
Resolution 1747—known as the “Iran interpellation.”45 According to the Indonesian
parliamentary handbook, the exercise of interpellation has to be endorsed by at least
13 members of parliament.46 Surprisingly, one half of the legislature’s members
signed up to support the initiative (see Graphic 3). For its proponents, the Iran
interpellation to summon President Yudhoyono for his administration’s conduct was a
popular political manoeuvre to gain sympathy and support from Indonesian people, in
particular Moslem constituents.47
44 See “Interpelasi Resolusi 1747 Bergulir Cepat,” Kompas (28 March 2007).
45 Based on lobbies among the leaders of party caucuses during the recess time, Iran
interpellation was eventually supported by seven parties—including the Golkar Party. While the
Democrat Party and the Prosperous Peace Party opposed the initiative, the Reform Star Party
abstained in the voting session. See “Paripurna DPR Terima Usulan Interpelasi DPR,” Kompas (10
May 2007).
46 See Article 171 in the Handbook of Indonesia’s House of Representatives (DPR‐RI) Year 2005.
47 See M. Alfan Alfian, “Bola Liar Interpelasi,” Kompas (11 April 2007).
15
Source: Hosianna Rugun Anggreni Rajagukguk, Sikap Kritis Parlemen terhadap Kebijakan
Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Kasus Resolusi DK-PBB tentang Isu Nuklir Iran,
unpublished undergraduate thesis (Jakarta: University of Indonesia, 2009), p. 5.
Shortly after, the Iran interpellation turned into a political standoff between the
Indonesian parliament and the government. While a majority of legislative members
demanded that President Yudhoyono himself appear to explain his administration’s
policies, the President refused to accede to the demand.48 When the Plenary Assembly
took place on 5 June 2007, President Yudhoyono assigned six ministers and a senior
official to explain the decision on his behalf.49 Due to frequent interruptions and
passionate outbursts by legislative members in committee, the chairman of the
Indonesian parliament eventually decided to adjourn the session and re-schedule the
48 See “Presiden Perlu Datang ke DPR,” Kompas (18 May 2007); “Presiden Harus Hadir di DPR,”
Media Indonesia (22 May 2007); “Presiden Wajib Hadiri Rapat Paripurna DPR,” Media Indonesia
(23 May 2007); “Ketua DPR Minta Presiden Hadiri Sidang,” Media Indonesia (24 May 2007);
“House Calls President Over Iran Resolution,” Jakarta Post (25 May 2007); “Ketua DPR Surati
Presiden Hadiri Paripurna,” Kompas (26 May 2007); “President Urged to Show at Iran Plenary
Session,” Jakarta Post (26 May 2007).
49 The six ministers and a senior official were the Coordinating Minister for Political, Law and
Security Affairs, the Coordinating Minister of Social Welfare, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the
Minister of Defence, the Minister of Social Affairs, the Minister of State Secretariat, and the Head
of State Intelligence Agency. See “Presiden tugasi widodo,” Kompas (4 June 2007); “Widodo AS
Akan Wakili Presiden,” Kompas (4 June 2007).
16
Plenary Assembly in order to persuade the President to attend.50 In turn, President
Yudhoyono’s absence further disillusioned members of the legislature—particularly
the sponsors of the “Iran interpellation”, who began to accuse the President of
disrespecting the parliament.51
This open breach between parties ostensibly in government together presented a clear
sign of disunity in the ranks of the coalition. Also, unlike previous interpellation
initiatives, the President’s absence from a parliamentary summons had never before
caused such uproar.52 Patently, the passion of the political landscape had raised a
notch.
The Impetus of Domestic Political Stability and Indonesia’s Abstention from
Resolution 1803
Antagonism towards the Indonesian government’s support of Resolution 1747 to
some extent indicated the chink in the armour of President Yudhoyono’s popularity.53
Amidst political competition for the upcoming 2009 elections, an incumbent
candidate’s policies would attract closer scrutiny than otherwise might be the case.
Referring to a national survey conducted by the Indonesia Survey Institution (LSI) in
mid-2007, the degree of public satisfaction towards President Yudhoyono tended to
decline during the first three years of his first term. Although it was still above 50
percent, the number had decreased from 80 percent in November 2004 to 54 percent
in October 2007 (see Graphic 4). There was also a drop in support for President
Yudhoyono’s re-election, which dipped from 37 percent in October 2006 to 33
50 See “DPR Tolak Utusan Presiden,” Media Indonesia (6 June 2007); “SBY No‐Show Delays House
Iran Hearing,” Jakarta Post (6 June 2007); “Bamus Jadwalkan Paripurna Interpelasi,” Kompas (14
June 2007).
51 See “SBY Opts to Skip House Session, Lawmakers Irritated,” Jakarta Post (5 June 2007);
“Sebagian Anggota DPR Kecewa,” Kompas (6 June 2007).
52 See Hosianna Rugun Anggreni Rajagukguk, Sikap Kritis Parlemen terhadap Kebijakan Luar
Negeri Indonesia dalam Kasus Resolusi DKPBB
tentang Isu Nuklir Iran, Skripsi Strata1,
Universitas Indonesia, 2009, pp. 5, 88.
53 See M. Alfan Alfian, “Interpelasi, Uji Nyali Politik Pemerintah,” Media Indonesia (25 June 2007).
17
percent in October 2007 (see Graphic 5). Even so, the President’s electability level
remained stronger compared to other political figures.54
Source: Indonesia Survey Institute, “Prospek Kepemimpinan Nasional: Evaluasi Publik Tiga
Tahun Presiden,” National Survey November 2004-October 2007, Jakarta: October
2007.
54 Besides President Yudhoyono, there were ten national figures included in the LSI’s poll. They
were Megawati Soekarnoputri, Jusuf Kalla, Wiranto, Amien Rais, Hidayat Nur Wahid, Sutiyoso
and Sultan Hamengkubuwono X.
18
Graphic 5
The Percentage of Electoral Sentiment to President Yudhoyono and
Other Political Figures
Source: Indonesia Survey Institute, “Prospek Kepemimpinan Nasional: Evaluasi Publik Tiga
Tahun Presiden,” National Survey November 2004-October 2007, Jakarta: October
2007.
More importantly, maintaining solid support from the proponent parties was a preeminent
condition for the survival of a government founded upon a political coalition.
According to that wisdom, political turbulence surrounding Indonesian parliament’s
“Iran interpellation” had to be ended immediately; otherwise, they would further
intensify the public’s criticism and political opposition that tarnished the credibility of
President Yudhoyono’s administration in the long run.55 Even before the “Iran
interpellation” was approved, the government had attempted to persuade the leaders
of party caucuses at a meeting in Hotel Dharmawangsa.56
Following the failure of the Plenary Assembly, the political stalemate between
legislative and executive was also mitigated through a number of alternatives. The
55 See M. Alfan Alfian, “Interpelasi, Uji Nyali Politik Pemerintah,” Media Indonesia (25 June 2007).
56 The meeting on 27 March 2007 was attended by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hassan
Wirajuda and the Coordinating Minister on Social Welfare, Aburizal Bakrie, as well as several
leaders of party caucuses. Aburizal, who was also one of the leaders of the Golkar Party, was
reported to have personal meeting with Yuddy Chrisnandi. See “Interpelasi, Ayo maju, maju,”
Tempo (25 June‐1 July 2007).
19
first option was requesting the President to deliver a speech regarding the government
approval of Resolution 1747 without dialogue session—relevant questions from
legislative members to be addressed in a separate meeting with the ministers. The
second alternative was to delegate President Yudhoyono’s attendance to the Vice
President Jusuf Kalla. Apparently, this alternative was an ideal option for the Golkar
Party, who sought to boost the popularity of Vice President Jusuf Kalla for his
political interest as the party’s chairman in the upcoming 2009 election.57 Meanwhile,
the third alternative was to hold a consultative meeting between the key leaders in
Indonesian parliament and the government.58
Eventually, President Yudhoyono opted for the third alternative to facilitate political
communication between the executive and the legislative bodies.59 In a meeting on 3
July 2007, both parties reached a mutual agreement on several outstanding issues.
Firstly, a majority of party caucuses decided not to dispute the President’s absence in
the Plenary Assembly concerning the “Iran interpellation”.60 Accordingly, the
Consultative Body (Badan Musyawarah) of Indonesian parliament re-scheduled the
assembly to take place on 10 July 2007 that ran smoothly in spite of some
interruptions from legislative members.61 Secondly, the government agreed to consult
intensively with the parliament before making a decision on international agreement
or foreign policies, particularly on sensitive issues with wide impact on Indonesian
people.62 This second point clearly showed that while Indonesia’s foreign policy
decision making fell within the domain of the executive, the legislative, in the post-
57 See “Kalla Tunggu Perintah SBY untuk Jawab Interpelasi,” Media Indonesia (16 June 2008);
“DPR Hanya Mau Selamatkan Muka,” Media Indonesia (18 June 2007).
58 See “SBY, House Leadership to Meet on Iran Issue,” Jakarta Post (15 June 2007); “Presiden
Diminta Datang ke DPR,” Media Indonesia (20 June 2007); “Tuntaskan Interpelasi,”Kompas (20
June 2007); “SBY Agrees to Limited House Session,” Jakarta Post (22 June 2007); “Presiden
Bersedia Datang ke DPR,” Media Indonesia (22 June 2007); “Jalan Keluarnya Presiden Akan
Menjelaskan di DPR,” Kompas (23 June 2007).
59 See “Presiden Penuhi Undangan DPR,” Kompas (3 July 2007); “Rapat Konsultasi Tidak Reduksi
Interpelasi,” Media Indonesia (3 July 2007).
60 See Syamsuddin Haris, “Politik Konsultasi Presiden‐DPR,” Kompas (5 July 2007); “Fraksi Tak
Akan Paksa Kehadiran Presiden,” Kompas (5 July 2007); “Bamus DPR Tidak Wajibkan Presiden
Hadir,” Media Indonesia (6 July 2007).
61 See “House Schedules Plenary Sessions for SBY on Iran, Mudflow,” Jakarta Post (6 July 2007);
“DPR Undang Kembali Presiden,” Kompas (6 July 2007).
62 See “Pertemuan Presiden DPR Alot,” Kompas (4 July 2007); “Konsultasi SBY‐DPR Tidak Terkait
Interpelasi,” Media Indonesia (4 July 2007); “Usai Konsultasi, Fraksi di DPR Melunak,” Suara
Karya (5 July 2007).
20
New Order era, could play an influential role to cajole or criticize the former’s
decision on certain international issues.
The impetus of domestic political stability was even more obvious in the shift of
Indonesia’s response to the development of Iran’s nuclear issue. On 3 March 2008,
the UNSC instituted Resolution 1803 imposing additional sanctions against Iran,
including (i) travel ban on officials related to Iran’s nuclear programme and freezing
the government’s overseas assets, (ii) commercial prohibition of commodities with
potential military purposes, (iii) overseeing financial transactions of two banks that
were allegedly related to Iran’s nuclear programme and inspection of suspicious ships
with restricted materials going to and from Iran.63 Sponsored by France and the
United Kingdom, the resolution was adopted after 14 permanent and non-permanent
members of the UNSC cast their approval.64
Unlike its earlier decision, Indonesian government preferred to abstain in the vote for
the adoption of Resolution 1803. Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda
clarified that the decision was based on the IAEA’s report in February 2008. The
report revealed that Iranian government had been willing to make its nuclear
programme transparent, and undertaken necessary measures according to Resolution
1737 and 1747.65 Regardless of several matters that required IAEA’s verification—
particularly the green salt project for uranium enrichment, high explosive testing, and
missile warhead design, Indonesian government contended that further sanctions on
Iran were unnecessary.66
At domestic level, the government’s decision to abstain has gained widespread public
approval from social groups and political parties. Based on an unpublished poll
conducted by a private organization, more than half of the respondents agreed with
the government’s decision in the UNSC (see Graphic 6). Should it take a decision that
was against mainstream views, the government would have had to deal with a more
63 See “Resolution 1803,” adopted by the United Nations Security Council at 5848th meeting on 3
March 2008.
64 See “Indonesia Abstains in UN Vote on Iran,” Jakarta Post (5 March 2008).
65 See “Hassan Wirajuda: Keluar dari Lingkaran Setan,” Gatra (8‐12 March 2008).
66 See Hassan Wirajuda, “Soal Nuklir Iran,” Kompas (1 March 2008).
21
severe domestic political backlash than before, thereby jeopardizing the popularity of
President Yudhoyono and his chances for re-election in 2009.
Source: Author’s personal courtesy.
Looking at the reciprocal impact of domestic politics upon Indonesian foreign policy,
the government’s abstention in the voting for Resolution 1803 was a neutral decision.
Yudhoyono government apparently succeeded in walking a tight rope by balancing its
interest of not antagonising the great powers and domestic public. Even before that, in
order to cool down political tension with legislative members over “Iran
Interpellation”, the Indonesian government had resisted approving a UNSC’s nonbinding
resolution condemning Iranian President Ahmadinejad’s call for the
annihilation of Israel.67 Later on January 2009—five months before national elections,
Indonesia again abstained in an emergency session of the United Nations’ General
Assembly on a draft resolution that was less tough to denounce the Israeli aggression
on Gaza Strip.68 The shift in Indonesia’s response to Iran’s nuclear programme—from
67 See “RI Blocks UN Statement on Iran, Jakarta Post (11 June 2007); “Ahmadinejad Berterima
Kasih Kepada Indonesia,” Kompas (23 June 2007). Previously, in the late March 2007, Indonesian
government rejected the adoption of UNSC resolution to condemn Iran’s capture of 15 British
sailors. See “Iran Thanks RI for Help at UN,” Jakarta Post (2 April 2007).
68 See “Indonesia Abstain, Resolusi Terlalu Lunak,” Kompas (18 January 2009).
22
approving Resolution 1747 to abstention of Resolution 1803—was obviously a
popular decision to avoid criticism from domestic constituents.
Concluding Remarks and a Lesson Learnt for Indonesia’s Future Diplomacy
In response to the earlier set of questions, the paper has reached two conclusions.
Firstly, the executive remains in the driving seat to set the pace of Indonesia’s foreign
policy. Yet, domestic political forces outside the government’s decision-making
structure have gained new powers to influence the government into reversing or
softening an established policy. In Indonesia today, partisan organisations, interest
groups and the mass organisations are prepared to subordinate consideration of the
executive-formed international policy in order to pursue their respective ideological
objectives and political ambitions against the government. Under the current
democratic climate, these actors have constrained the Indonesian government’s
freedom of initiative in foreign policy realm and brought it back to a trajectory more
in line with community expectations.
Secondly, as this case study demonstrates, domestic political forces are likely to come
into play in Indonesia’s foreign policy formulation if the policy issue affects their
ideological perceptions and political interests. The interplay between religious
sympathy for Iran and deep grudge surrounding the cabinet reshuffle apparently
prompted the majority of the Moslem population, religious mass organizations and
political parties to exert their pressures on Indonesian government’s response to
Iranian nuclear issue in the UNSC. The growing domestic antipathy eventually
culminated in the Indonesian parliament summoning the President to a hearing on the
government’s policy towards Resolution 1747.
Amidst the rising opposition on the Iran nuclear issue, President Yudhoyono was
placed in a difficult position. He could hardly ignore the pressures given that his
government was founded upon a multi-party coalition. Moreover, the parliament had
placed him in a difficult predicament, stranded on an unpopular policy that incensed a
majority of the population. Therefore, ignoring negative sentiments surrounding the
parliament’s “Iran interpellation” would have only brought more harm than good both
23
to domestic political stability and to President Yudhyono’s leadership, particularly in
critical times prior to the 2009 national and presidential election.
In the following vote in the UNSC, Indonesia elected to abstain from supporting
Resolution 1803 that imposed additional sanctions against Iran. In short, choosing to
abstain from voting on the resolution was a popular decision that helped to avoid a
domestic showdown; which also regained credibility for the government among the
Indonesian people prior to the 2009 election. This draws attention to the fact that the
executive still drives the country’s foreign policy and is able to make decisions that
can impact upon domestic politics, thereby strengthening the positions of those who
advocate linkage politics. This tended to satisfy the Indonesian public while the
political uproar shifted to other big issues. In so far as their pressures were concerned,
the parliament and social-political forces were only able to make corrections of the
government’s policy stance, but ultimately lost their interest once the issue was no
longer relevant for their domestic agenda.
In sum, this case study shows that Indonesia’s foreign policy is now vulnerable to
politicization and public pressures. However, the government still seems to have a
“free hand” to decide on the country’s foreign policy so long as it attracts insignificant
attention from the people and parliament. With regard to UNSC Resolution 1747,
Indonesia’s experience in dealing with the Iranian nuclear issue highlighted two
important lessons for the future. First, it illustrates the limits that should not be
overlooked in Indonesia’s foreign policy affairs, particularly on sensitive international
issues with broad impact upon domestic constituents. Second, it demonstrates the
risks of taking a foreign policy decision against mainstream domestic aspirations.
Meanwhile, abstaining in the voting for Resolution 1803 was seen as a neutral
decision from both the international and the domestic perspective.
Nevertheless, such inconsistency may to some extent affect Indonesia’s international
image. Indonesia is among those countries which favour reforming the UNSC,
including expanding the number of permanent members. Any country aiming at
permanent membership of the UNSC—possibly including Indonesia—should be
aware of the huge responsibilities that international security confers on responsible
policy making at the national level. The relevant question for future research is: “to
what extent is the Indonesian government prepared to hold international
24
responsibilities, should the country one day become a permanent member of the
UNSC?” If the Iran voting affair is indicative of a precedent, then the answer does not
look promising.
25
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20. Humanitarian Intervention and Peacekeeping as Issues for Asia-Pacific Security
Derek McDougall
(2001)
21. Comprehensive Security: The South Asian Case
S.D. Muni
(2002)
22. The Evolution of China’s Maritime Combat Doctrines and Models: 1949-2001
You Ji
(2002)
23. The Concept of Security Before and After September 11
a. The Contested Concept of Security
Steve Smith
b. Security and Security Studies After September 11: Some Preliminary Reflections
Amitav Acharya
(2002)
24. Democratisation In South Korea And Taiwan: The Effect Of Social Division On Inter-
Korean and Cross-Strait Relations
Chien-peng (C.P.) Chung
(2002)
25. Understanding Financial Globalisation
Andrew Walter
(2002)
26. 911, American Praetorian Unilateralism and the Impact on State-Society Relations in
Southeast Asia
Kumar Ramakrishna
(2002)
27. Great Power Politics in Contemporary East Asia: Negotiating Multipolarity or Hegemony?
Tan See Seng
(2002)
28. What Fear Hath Wrought: Missile Hysteria and The Writing of “America”
Tan See Seng
(2002)
29. International Responses to Terrorism: The Limits and Possibilities of Legal Control of
Terrorism by Regional Arrangement with Particular Reference to ASEAN
Ong Yen Nee
(2002)
30. Reconceptualizing the PLA Navy in Post – Mao China: Functions, Warfare, Arms, and
Organization
Nan Li
(2002)
31. Attempting Developmental Regionalism Through AFTA: The Domestics Politics –
Domestic Capital Nexus
Helen E S Nesadurai
(2002)
32. 11 September and China: Opportunities, Challenges, and Warfighting
Nan Li
(2002)
33. Islam and Society in Southeast Asia after September 11
Barry Desker
(2002)
34. Hegemonic Constraints: The Implications of September 11 For American Power
Evelyn Goh
(2002)
35. Not Yet All Aboard…But Already All At Sea Over Container Security Initiative
Irvin Lim
(2002)
36. Financial Liberalization and Prudential Regulation in East Asia: Still Perverse?
Andrew Walter
(2002)
37. Indonesia and The Washington Consensus
Premjith Sadasivan
(2002)
38. The Political Economy of FDI Location: Why Don’t Political Checks and Balances and
Treaty Constraints Matter?
Andrew Walter
(2002)
39. The Securitization of Transnational Crime in ASEAN
Ralf Emmers
(2002)
40. Liquidity Support and The Financial Crisis: The Indonesian Experience
J Soedradjad Djiwandono
(2002)
41. A UK Perspective on Defence Equipment Acquisition
David Kirkpatrick
(2003)
42. Regionalisation of Peace in Asia: Experiences and Prospects of ASEAN, ARF and UN
Partnership
Mely C. Anthony
(2003)
43. The WTO In 2003: Structural Shifts, State-Of-Play And Prospects For The Doha Round
Razeen Sally
(2003)
44. Seeking Security In The Dragon’s Shadow: China and Southeast Asia In The Emerging
Asian Order
Amitav Acharya
(2003)
45. Deconstructing Political Islam In Malaysia: UMNO’S Response To PAS’ Religio-Political
Dialectic
Joseph Liow
(2003)
46. The War On Terror And The Future of Indonesian Democracy
Tatik S. Hafidz
(2003)
47. Examining The Role of Foreign Assistance in Security Sector Reforms: The Indonesian
Case
Eduardo Lachica
(2003)
48. Sovereignty and The Politics of Identity in International Relations
Adrian Kuah
(2003)
49. Deconstructing Jihad; Southeast Asia Contexts
Patricia Martinez
(2003)
50. The Correlates of Nationalism in Beijing Public Opinion
Alastair Iain Johnston
(2003)
51. In Search of Suitable Positions’ in the Asia Pacific: Negotiating the US-China Relationship
and Regional Security
Evelyn Goh
(2003)
52. American Unilaterism, Foreign Economic Policy and the ‘Securitisation’ of Globalisation
Richard Higgott
(2003)
53. Fireball on the Water: Naval Force Protection-Projection, Coast Guarding, Customs Border
Security & Multilateral Cooperation in Rolling Back the Global Waves of Terror from the
Sea
Irvin Lim
(2003)
54. Revisiting Responses To Power Preponderance: Going Beyond The Balancing-
Bandwagoning Dichotomy
Chong Ja Ian
(2003)
55. Pre-emption and Prevention: An Ethical and Legal Critique of the Bush Doctrine and
Anticipatory Use of Force In Defence of the State
Malcolm Brailey
(2003)
56. The Indo-Chinese Enlargement of ASEAN: Implications for Regional Economic
Integration
Helen E S Nesadurai
(2003)
57. The Advent of a New Way of War: Theory and Practice of Effects Based Operation
Joshua Ho
(2003)
58. Critical Mass: Weighing in on Force Transformation & Speed Kills Post-Operation Iraqi
Freedom
Irvin Lim
(2004)
59. Force Modernisation Trends in Southeast Asia
Andrew Tan
(2004)
60. Testing Alternative Responses to Power Preponderance: Buffering, Binding, Bonding and
Beleaguering in the Real World
Chong Ja Ian
(2004)
61. Outlook on the Indonesian Parliamentary Election 2004
Irman G. Lanti
(2004)
62. Globalization and Non-Traditional Security Issues: A Study of Human and Drug
Trafficking in East Asia
Ralf Emmers
(2004)
63. Outlook for Malaysia’s 11th General Election
Joseph Liow
(2004)
64. Not Many Jobs Take a Whole Army: Special Operations Forces and The Revolution in
Military Affairs.
Malcolm Brailey
(2004)
65. Technological Globalisation and Regional Security in East Asia
J.D. Kenneth Boutin
(2004)
66. UAVs/UCAVS – Missions, Challenges, and Strategic Implications for Small and Medium
Powers
Manjeet Singh Pardesi
(2004)
67. Singapore’s Reaction to Rising China: Deep Engagement and Strategic Adjustment
Evelyn Goh
(2004)
68. The Shifting Of Maritime Power And The Implications For Maritime Security In East Asia
Joshua Ho
(2004)
69. China In The Mekong River Basin: The Regional Security Implications of Resource
Development On The Lancang Jiang
Evelyn Goh
(2004)
70. Examining the Defence Industrialization-Economic Growth Relationship: The Case of
Singapore
Adrian Kuah and Bernard Loo
(2004)
71. “Constructing” The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist: A Preliminary Inquiry
Kumar Ramakrishna
(2004)
72. Malaysia and The United States: Rejecting Dominance, Embracing Engagement
Helen E S Nesadurai
(2004)
73. The Indonesian Military as a Professional Organization: Criteria and Ramifications for
Reform
John Bradford
(2005)
74. Martime Terrorism in Southeast Asia: A Risk Assessment
Catherine Zara Raymond
(2005)
75. Southeast Asian Maritime Security In The Age Of Terror: Threats, Opportunity, And
Charting The Course Forward
John Bradford
(2005)
76. Deducing India’s Grand Strategy of Regional Hegemony from Historical and Conceptual
Perspectives
Manjeet Singh Pardesi
(2005)
77. Towards Better Peace Processes: A Comparative Study of Attempts to Broker Peace with
MNLF and GAM
S P Harish
(2005)
78. Multilateralism, Sovereignty and Normative Change in World Politics
Amitav Acharya
(2005)
79. The State and Religious Institutions in Muslim Societies
Riaz Hassan
(2005)
80. On Being Religious: Patterns of Religious Commitment in Muslim Societies
Riaz Hassan
(2005)
81. The Security of Regional Sea Lanes
Joshua Ho
(2005)
82. Civil-Military Relationship and Reform in the Defence Industry
Arthur S Ding
(2005)
83. How Bargaining Alters Outcomes: Bilateral Trade Negotiations and Bargaining Strategies
Deborah Elms
(2005)
84. Great Powers and Southeast Asian Regional Security Strategies: Omni-enmeshment,
Balancing and Hierarchical Order
Evelyn Goh
(2005)
85. Global Jihad, Sectarianism and The Madrassahs in Pakistan
Ali Riaz
(2005)
86. Autobiography, Politics and Ideology in Sayyid Qutb’s Reading of the Qur’an
Umej Bhatia
(2005)
87. Maritime Disputes in the South China Sea: Strategic and Diplomatic Status Quo
Ralf Emmers
(2005)
88. China’s Political Commissars and Commanders: Trends & Dynamics
Srikanth Kondapalli
(2005)
89. Piracy in Southeast Asia New Trends, Issues and Responses
Catherine Zara Raymond
(2005)
90. Geopolitics, Grand Strategy and the Bush Doctrine
Simon Dalby
(2005)
91. Local Elections and Democracy in Indonesia: The Case of the Riau Archipelago
Nankyung Choi
(2005)
92. The Impact of RMA on Conventional Deterrence: A Theoretical Analysis
Manjeet Singh Pardesi
(2005)
93. Africa and the Challenge of Globalisation
Jeffrey Herbst
(2005)
94. The East Asian Experience: The Poverty of 'Picking Winners
Barry Desker and Deborah Elms
(2005)
95. Bandung And The Political Economy Of North-South Relations: Sowing The Seeds For
Revisioning International Society
Helen E S Nesadurai
(2005)
96. Re-conceptualising the Military-Industrial Complex: A General Systems Theory Approach
Adrian Kuah
(2005)
97. Food Security and the Threat From Within: Rice Policy Reforms in the Philippines
Bruce Tolentino
(2006)
98. Non-Traditional Security Issues: Securitisation of Transnational Crime in Asia
James Laki
(2006)
99. Securitizing/Desecuritizing the Filipinos’ ‘Outward Migration Issue’in the Philippines’
Relations with Other Asian Governments
José N. Franco, Jr.
(2006)
100. Securitization Of Illegal Migration of Bangladeshis To India
Josy Joseph
(2006)
101. Environmental Management and Conflict in Southeast Asia – Land Reclamation and its
Political Impact
Kog Yue-Choong
(2006)
102. Securitizing border-crossing: The case of marginalized stateless minorities in the Thai-
Burma Borderlands
Mika Toyota
(2006)
103. The Incidence of Corruption in India: Is the Neglect of Governance Endangering Human
Security in South Asia?
Shabnam Mallick and Rajarshi Sen
(2006)
104. The LTTE’s Online Network and its Implications for Regional Security
Shyam Tekwani
(2006)
105. The Korean War June-October 1950: Inchon and Stalin In The “Trigger Vs Justification”
Debate
Tan Kwoh Jack
(2006)
106. International Regime Building in Southeast Asia: ASEAN Cooperation against the Illicit
Trafficking and Abuse of Drugs
Ralf Emmers
(2006)
107. Changing Conflict Identities: The case of the Southern Thailand Discord
S P Harish
(2006)
108. Myanmar and the Argument for Engagement: A Clash of Contending Moralities?
Christopher B Roberts
(2006)
109. TEMPORAL DOMINANCE
Military Transformation and the Time Dimension of Strategy
Edwin Seah
(2006)
110. Globalization and Military-Industrial Transformation in South Asia: An Historical
Perspective
Emrys Chew
(2006)
111. UNCLOS and its Limitations as the Foundation for a Regional Maritime Security Regime
Sam Bateman
(2006)
112. Freedom and Control Networks in Military Environments
Paul T Mitchell
(2006)
113. Rewriting Indonesian History The Future in Indonesia’s Past
Kwa Chong Guan
(2006)
114. Twelver Shi’ite Islam: Conceptual and Practical Aspects
Christoph Marcinkowski
(2006)
115. Islam, State and Modernity : Muslim Political Discourse in Late 19th and Early 20th century
India
Iqbal Singh Sevea
(2006)
116. ‘Voice of the Malayan Revolution’: The Communist Party of Malaya’s Struggle for Hearts
and Minds in the ‘Second Malayan Emergency’
(1969-1975)
Ong Wei Chong
(2006)
117. “From Counter-Society to Counter-State: Jemaah Islamiyah According to PUPJI”
Elena Pavlova
(2006)
118. The Terrorist Threat to Singapore’s Land Transportation Infrastructure: A Preliminary
Enquiry
Adam Dolnik
(2006)
119. The Many Faces of Political Islam
Mohammed Ayoob
(2006)
120. Facets of Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Southeast Asia (I): Thailand and Indonesia
Christoph Marcinkowski
(2006)
121. Facets of Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Southeast Asia (II): Malaysia and Singapore
Christoph Marcinkowski
(2006)
122. Towards a History of Malaysian Ulama
Mohamed Nawab
(2007)
123. Islam and Violence in Malaysia
Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid
(2007)
124. Between Greater Iran and Shi’ite Crescent: Some Thoughts on the Nature of Iran’s
Ambitions in the Middle East
Christoph Marcinkowski
(2007)
125. Thinking Ahead: Shi’ite Islam in Iraq and its Seminaries (hawzah ‘ilmiyyah)
Christoph Marcinkowski
(2007)
126. The China Syndrome: Chinese Military Modernization and the Rearming of Southeast Asia
Richard A. Bitzinger
(2007)
127. Contested Capitalism: Financial Politics and Implications for China
Richard Carney
(2007)
128. Sentinels of Afghan Democracy: The Afghan National Army
Samuel Chan
(2007)
129. The De-escalation of the Spratly Dispute in Sino-Southeast Asian Relations
Ralf Emmers
(2007)
130. War, Peace or Neutrality:An Overview of Islamic Polity’s Basis of Inter-State Relations
Muhammad Haniff Hassan
(2007)
131. Mission Not So Impossible: The AMM and the Transition from Conflict to Peace in Aceh,
2005–2006
Kirsten E. Schulze
(2007)
132. Comprehensive Security and Resilience in Southeast Asia: ASEAN’s Approach to
Terrorism and Sea Piracy
Ralf Emmers
(2007)
133. The Ulama in Pakistani Politics
Mohamed Nawab
(2007)
134. China’s Proactive Engagement in Asia: Economics, Politics and Interactions
Li Mingjiang
(2007)
135. The PLA’s Role in China’s Regional Security Strategy
Qi Dapeng
(2007)
136. War As They Knew It: Revolutionary War and Counterinsurgency in Southeast Asia
Ong Wei Chong
(2007)
137. Indonesia’s Direct Local Elections: Background and Institutional Framework
Nankyung Choi
(2007)
138. Contextualizing Political Islam for Minority Muslims
Muhammad Haniff bin Hassan
(2007)
139. Ngruki Revisited: Modernity and Its Discontents at the Pondok Pesantren al-Mukmin of
Ngruki, Surakarta
Farish A. Noor
(2007)
140. Globalization: Implications of and for the Modern / Post-modern Navies of the Asia Pacific
Geoffrey Till
(2007)
141. Comprehensive Maritime Domain Awareness: An Idea Whose Time Has Come?
Irvin Lim Fang Jau
(2007)
142. Sulawesi: Aspirations of Local Muslims
Rohaiza Ahmad Asi
(2007)
143. Islamic Militancy, Sharia, and Democratic Consolidation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
Noorhaidi Hasan
(2007)
144. Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon: The Indian Ocean and The Maritime Balance of Power
in Historical Perspective
Emrys Chew
(2007)
145. New Security Dimensions in the Asia Pacific
Barry Desker
(2007)
146. Japan’s Economic Diplomacy towards East Asia: Fragmented Realism and NaĂŻve
Liberalism
Hidetaka Yoshimatsu
(2007)
147. U.S. Primacy, Eurasia’s New Strategic Landscape,and the Emerging Asian Order
Alexander L. Vuving
(2007)
148. The Asian Financial Crisis and ASEAN’s Concept of Security
Yongwook RYU
(2008)
149. Security in the South China Sea: China’s Balancing Act and New Regional Dynamics
Li Mingjiang
(2008)
150. The Defence Industry in the Post-Transformational World: Implications for the United
States and Singapore
Richard A Bitzinger
(2008)
151. The Islamic Opposition in Malaysia:New Trajectories and Directions
Mohamed Fauz Abdul Hamid
(2008)
152. Thinking the Unthinkable: The Modernization and Reform of Islamic Higher Education in
Indonesia
Farish A Noor
(2008)
153. Outlook for Malaysia’s 12th General Elections
Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman, Shahirah Mahmood and Joseph Chinyong Liow
(2008)
154. The use of SOLAS Ship Security Alert Systems
Thomas Timlen
(2008)
155. Thai-Chinese Relations:Security and Strategic Partnership
Chulacheeb Chinwanno
(2008)
156. Sovereignty In ASEAN and The Problem of Maritime Cooperation in the South China Sea
JN Mak
(2008)
157. Sino-U.S. Competition in Strategic Arms
Arthur S. Ding
(2008)
158. Roots of Radical Sunni Traditionalism
Karim Douglas Crow
(2008)
159. Interpreting Islam On Plural Society
Muhammad Haniff Hassan
(2008)
160. Towards a Middle Way Islam in Southeast Asia: Contributions of the GĂŒlen Movement
Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman
(2008)
161. Spoilers, Partners and Pawns: Military Organizational Behaviour and Civil-Military
Relations in Indonesia
Evan A. Laksmana
(2008)
162. The Securitization of Human Trafficking in Indonesia
Rizal Sukma
(2008)
163. The Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) of Malaysia: Communitarianism Across
Borders?
Farish A. Noor
(2008)
164. A Merlion at the Edge of an Afrasian Sea: Singapore’s Strategic Involvement in the Indian
Ocean
Emrys Chew
(2008)
165. Soft Power in Chinese Discourse: Popularity and Prospect
Li Mingjiang
(2008)
166. Singapore’s Sovereign Wealth Funds: The Politcal Risk of Overseas Investments
Friedrich Wu
(2008)
167. The Internet in Indonesia: Development and Impact of Radical Websites
Jennifer Yang Hui
(2008)
168. Beibu Gulf: Emerging Sub-regional Integration between China and ASEAN
Gu Xiaosong and Li Mingjiang
(2009)
169. Islamic Law In Contemporary Malaysia: Prospects and Problems
Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid
(2009)
170. “Indonesia’s Salafist Sufis”
Julia Day Howell
(2009)
171. Reviving the Caliphate in the Nusantara: Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s Mobilization Strategy
and Its Impact in Indonesia
Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman
(2009)
172. Islamizing Formal Education: Integrated Islamic School and a New Trend in Formal
Education Institution in Indonesia
Noorhaidi Hasan
(2009)
173. The Implementation of Vietnam-China Land Border Treaty: Bilateral and Regional
Implications
Do Thi Thuy
(2009)
174. The Tablighi Jama’at Movement in the Southern Provinces of Thailand Today: Networks
and Modalities
Farish A. Noor
(2009)
175. The Spread of the Tablighi Jama’at Across Western, Central and Eastern Java and the role
of the Indian Muslim Diaspora
Farish A. Noor
(2009)
176. Significance of Abu Dujana and Zarkasih’s Verdict
Nurfarahislinda Binte Mohamed Ismail, V. Arianti and Jennifer Yang Hui
(2009)
177. The Perils of Consensus: How ASEAN’s Meta-Regime Undermines Economic and
Environmental Cooperation
Vinod K. Aggarwal and Jonathan T. Chow
(2009)
178. The Capacities of Coast Guards to deal with Maritime Challenges in Southeast Asia
Prabhakaran Paleri
(2009)
179. China and Asian Regionalism: Pragmatism Hinders Leadership
Li Mingjiang
(2009)
180. Livelihood Strategies Amongst Indigenous Peoples in the Central Cardamom Protected
Forest, Cambodia
Long Sarou
(2009)
181. Human Trafficking in Cambodia: Reintegration of the Cambodian illegal migrants from
Vietnam and Thailand
Neth Naro
(2009)
182. The Philippines as an Archipelagic and Maritime Nation: Interests, Challenges, and
Perspectives
Mary Ann Palma
(2009)
183. The Changing Power Distribution in the South China Sea: Implications for Conflict
Management and Avoidance
Ralf Emmers
(2009)
184. Islamist Party, Electoral Politics and Da‘wa Mobilization among Youth: The Prosperous
Justice Party (PKS) in Indonesia
Noorhaidi Hasan
(2009)
185. U.S. Foreign Policy and Southeast Asia: From Manifest Destiny to Shared Destiny
Emrys Chew
(2009)
186. Different Lenses on the Future: U.S. and Singaporean Approaches to Strategic Planning
Justin Zorn
(2009)
187. Converging Peril : Climate Change and Conflict in the Southern Philippines
J. Jackson Ewing
(2009)
188. Informal Caucuses within the WTO: Singapore in the “Invisibles Group”
Barry Desker
(2009)
189. The ASEAN Regional Forum and Preventive Diplomacy: A Failure in Practice
Ralf Emmers and See Seng Tan
(2009)
190. How Geography Makes Democracy Work
Richard W. Carney
(2009)
191. The Arrival and Spread of the Tablighi Jama’at In West Papua (Irian Jaya), Indonesia
Farish A. Noor
(2010)
192. The Korean Peninsula in China’s Grand Strategy: China’s Role in dealing with North
Korea’s Nuclear Quandary
Chung Chong Wook
(2010)
193. Asian Regionalism and US Policy: The Case for Creative Adaptation
Donald K. Emmerson
(2010)
194. Jemaah Islamiyah:Of Kin and Kind
Sulastri Osman
(2010)
195. The Role of the Five Power Defence Arrangements in the Southeast Asian Security
Architecture
Ralf Emmers
(2010)
196. The Domestic Political Origins of Global Financial Standards: Agrarian Influence and the
Creation of U.S. Securities Regulations
Richard W. Carney
(2010)
197. Indian Naval Effectiveness for National Growth
Ashok Sawhney
(2010)
198. Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) regime in East Asian waters: Military and intelligencegathering
activities, Marine Scientific Research (MSR) and hydrographic surveys in an
EEZ
Yang Fang
(2010)
199. Do Stated Goals Matter? Regional Institutions in East Asia and the Dynamic of Unstated
Goals
Deepak Nair
(2010)
200. China’s Soft Power in South Asia
Parama Sinha Palit
(2010)
201. Reform of the International Financial Architecture: How can Asia have a greater impact in
the G20?
Pradumna B. Rana
(2010)
202. “Muscular” versus “Liberal” Secularism and the Religious Fundamentalist Challenge in
Singapore
Kumar Ramakrishna
(2010)
203. Future of U.S. Power: Is China Going to Eclipse the United States? Two Possible Scenarios
to 2040
Tuomo Kuosa
(2010)
204. Swords to Ploughshares: China’s Defence-Conversion Policy
Lee Dongmin
(2010)
205. Asia Rising and the Maritime Decline of the West: A Review of the Issues
Geoffrey Till
(2010)
206. From Empire to the War on Terror: The 1915 Indian Sepoy Mutiny in Singapore as a case
study of the impact of profiling of religious and ethnic minorities.
Farish A. Noor
(2010)
207. Enabling Security for the 21st Century: Intelligence & Strategic Foresight and Warning
Helene Lavoix
(2010)
208. The Asian and Global Financial Crises: Consequences for East Asian Regionalism
Ralf Emmers and John Ravenhill
(2010)
209. Japan’s New Security Imperative: The Function of Globalization
Bhubhindar Singh and Philip Shetler-Jones
(2010)
210. India’s Emerging Land Warfare Doctrines and Capabilities
Colonel Harinder Singh
(2010)
211. A Response to Fourth Generation Warfare
Amos Khan
(2010)
212. Japan-Korea Relations and the Tokdo/Takeshima Dispute: The Interplay of Nationalism
and Natural Resources
Ralf Emmers
(2010)
213. Mapping the Religious and Secular Parties in South Sulawesi and Tanah Toraja, Sulawesi,
Indonesia
Farish A. Noor
(2010)
214. The Aceh-based Militant Network: A Trigger for a View into the Insightful Complex of
Conceptual and Historical Links
Giora Eliraz
(2010)
215. Evolving Global Economic Architecture: Will We have a New Bretton Woods?
Pradumna B. Rana
(2010)
216. Transforming the Military: The Energy Imperative
Kelvin Wong
(2010)
217. ASEAN Institutionalisation: The Function of Political Values and State Capacity
Christopher Roberts
(2010)
218. China’s Military Build-up in the Early Twenty-first Century: From Arms Procurement to
War-fighting Capability
Yoram Evron
(2010)
219. Darul Uloom Deoband: Stemming the Tide of Radical Islam in India
Taberez Ahmed Neyazi
(2010)
220. Recent Developments in the South China Sea: Grounds for Cautious Optimism?
Carlyle A. Thayer
(2010)
221. Emerging Powers and Cooperative Security in Asia
Joshy M. Paul
(2010)
222. What happened to the smiling face of Indonesian Islam?
Muslim intellectualism and the conservative turn in post-Suharto Indonesia
Martin Van Bruinessen
(2011)
223. Structures for Strategy: Institutional Preconditions for Long-Range Planning in
Cross-Country Perspective
Justin Zorn
(2011)
224. Winds of Change in Sarawak Politics?
Faisal S Hazis
(2011)
225. Rising from Within: China’s Search for a Multilateral World and Its Implications
for Sino-U.S. Relations
Li Mingjiang
(2011)
226. Rising Power… To Do What?
Evaluating China’s Power in Southeast Asia
Evelyn Goh
(2011)
227. Assessing 12-year Military Reform in Indonesia: Major Strategic Gaps for the Next Stage
of Reform
Leonard C. Sebastian and Iisgindarsah
(2011)
228. Monetary Integration in ASEAN+3: A Perception Survey of Opinion Leaders
Pradumna Bickram Rana, Wai-Mun Chia & Yothin Jinjarak
(2011)
229. Dealing with the “North Korea Dilemma”: China’s Strategic Choices
You Ji
(2011)
230. Street, Shrine, Square and Soccer Pitch: Comparative Protest Spaces in Asia and the
Middle East
Teresita Cruz-del Rosario and James M. Dorsey
(2011)
231. The Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in the landscape of Indonesian Islamist Politics:
Cadre-Training as Mode of Preventive Radicalisation?
Farish A Noor
(2011)
232. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) Negotiations: Overview and Prospects
Deborah Elms and C.L. Lim
(2012)
233. How Indonesia Sees ASEAN and the World: A Cursory Survey of the Social Studies and
History textbooks of Indonesia, from Primary to Secondary Level.
Farish A. Noor
(2012)
234. The Process of ASEAN’s Institutional Consolidation in 1968-1976: Theoretical
Implications for Changes of Third-World Security Oriented Institution
Kei Koga
(2012)
235. Getting from Here to There: Stitching Together Goods Agreements in the Trans-Pacific
Partnership (TPP) Agreement
Deborah Elms
(2012)
236. Indonesia’s Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy-Making: A Case Study of Iranian
Nuclear Issue, 2007-2008
Iisgindarsah
(2012)
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